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SAN ANTONIO – An all-star team could be cobbled together with the college football players who have opted out of bowl games this season. Meanwhile, a pair of teams full of their own stars will hit the field on Saturday when No. 20 Colorado (9-3) battles No. 17 BYU (10-2) in the Valero Alamo Bowl at the Alamodome (5:30 p.m. MT, ABC). During a time when top players often skip bowls, the Alamo Bowl could be one of the most competitive non-College Football Playoff games because of the talent that has remained at CU and BYU. “All his kids are playing,” CU head coach Deion Sanders said as he sat next to BYU head coach Kalani Sitake for a press conference on Friday. “All our kids are playing. We’re going to play our toughest, our hardest. This is a game. This is not just a routine. This is a game that both of us want to win. So we’re taking it serious because we were predicted not to be here by some of you wonderful folks.” Both teams have lost players to the transfer portal since the end of the regular season, but only two starters between them: CU linebacker Nikhai Hill-Green (transferring to Alabama) and BYU safety Crew Wakley (uncommitted). The focus this week hasn’t been on players opting out, but rather players who have committed to play. All of CU’s stars, including Heisman Trophy-winning cornerback/receiver Travis Hunter and quarterback Shedeur Sanders are playing. So are BYU’s top players, including defensive end Tyler Batty, cornerback Jakob Robinson and receiver Chase Roberts. “We are plenty excited to be here,” BYU quarterback Jake Retzlaff said. “Obviously being as big of a stage as it is, primetime and playing against a good team that draws a lot of media attention, we are excited to show what we’ve got.” Projected by many as the No. 1 pick in the 2025 NFL Draft, Shedeur Sanders has as much reason as anyone to skip this one, but that thought never entered his mind. “We may not ever have a chance to play again together on the same team, so it’s about cherishing the moment,” Shedeur said. “It’s about knowing this is the final collegiate game, and each and every game we left it all out there. There’s no regret. I don’t ever want to go anywhere with regret.” Coach Prime and Sitake both said it’s important to them to take this game seriously, in part because both programs went through a lot to get here. A year ago, both were losing teams and they came into this year projected near the bottom of the Big 12 standings, CU at 11th and BYU at 13th. The Buffs and Cougars were among the biggest surprises in the Big 12, along with conference champion Arizona State, which was picked last but will play in the CFP quarterfinals. “Maybe because neither of us was supposed to be here,” Coach Prime said when asked why it’s important to take this game seriously. “We were supposed to be in the crib right now, focused on recruiting, focused on improving our rosters, but nevertheless we’re here. Not only that, but nevertheless, we’re a few plays away from playing in another week or so (in the CFP). “So we know what we have, and we’re happy about it, and we’re not going to take this for granted. This is a blessing, man. When you’re on the outside of this stuff and you’re looking in, you want to get there. ... Then you get to a bowl and you gonna sit there and act ignorant like you don’t want to play or something? You know how many people wish they could be in our situation? So we’re going to take full advantage of it.” Sitake agrees, while also adding that the teams owe it to their fans who have come to San Antonio in full force to celebrate the success of both teams. “The pageantry of it all, it’s a lot of fun,” Sitake said. “I think we sit there and think that it’s only the players and the team benefit from it, the coaches, but the fans do, too. ... We’re forgetting the fans are a part of this, too. We plan on seeing all our fans in the stadium tomorrow. They’re enjoying all of it, and I speak for Deion with this, we love seeing our fans happy, so that’s a big part of why we’re at where we’re at.” Of course, there’s one other big and simple reason why BYU and CU are taking this game seriously. “Watching Colorado, they love to play football, and so do we,” Sitake said. “When it’s all said and done, it’s a game of football, and if nobody showed up, and if there are no cameras there, we would still play, because these guys love to play the game on both sides, and we’re looking forward to it.”

By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.TORONTO — Losses in the tech sector led Canada's main stock index lower in late-morning trading on Friday, while U.S. stock markets also fell. The S&P/TSX composite index was down 93.03 points at 24,753.79. In New York, the Dow Jones industrial average was down 437.35 points at 42,888.45. The S&P 500 index was down 86.37 points at 5,951.22, while the Nasdaq composite was down 402.43 points at 19,617.93. The Canadian dollar traded for 69.39 cents US compared with 69.51 cents US on Tuesday. The February crude oil contract was up 66 cents at US$70.28 per barrel and the February natural gas contract was up five cents at US$3.37 per mmBTU. The February gold contract was down US$19.70 at US$2.634.20 an ounce and the March copper contract was down less than a penny at US$4.12 a pound. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 27, 2024. Companies in this story: (TSX:GSPTSE, TSX:CADUSD) The Canadian Press

NEW YORK (AP) — With the end of 2024 around the corner, you might be reflecting on financial goals for 2025. Whether you're saving to move out of your parents' house or pay off student loan debt, financial resolutions can help you stay motivated, said Courtney Alev, consumer advocate for Credit Karma. “Entering a new year doesn’t erase all our financial challenges from the prior year," Alev said. “But it can really help to bring a fresh-start mentality to how you’re managing your finances.” If you’re planning to make financial resolutions for the new year, experts recommend that you start by evaluating the state of your finances in 2024. Then, set specific goals and make sure they're attainable for your lifestyle. Here are some tips from experts: Change your relationship with money Think about how you currently deal with finances — what's good, what's bad, and what can improve. “Let this be the year you change your relationship with money,” said Ashley Lapato, personal finance educator for YNAB, a budgeting app. If you feel like money is a chore, that there's shame surrounding the topic of money, or like you were born being “bad at money,” it's time to change that mentality, Lapato said. To adjust your approach, Lapato recommends viewing money goals as an opportunity to imagine your desired lifestyle in the future. She recommends asking questions like, “What do my 30s look like? What do my 40s look like?” and using money as a means to get there. Liz Young Thomas, head of SoFi Investment Strategy, added that it’s key you forgive yourself for past mistakes in order to move into the new year with motivation. Know your “why” When setting your financial resolutions for 2025, it's important to establish the “why” of each, said Matt Watson, CEO of Origin, a financial tracking app. “If you can attach the financial goal to a bigger life goal, it’s much more motivating and more likely you’ll continue on that path,” Watson said. Whether you're saving to buy a house, pay off credit card debt or take a summer vacation, being clear about the goal can keep you motivated. Watson also recommends using a tool to help you keep track of your finances, such as an app, spreadsheet, or website. Budget, budget, budget “After three years of inflation, your pay increases are likely still playing catch up to your monthly expenses, leaving you wondering where all the money is going," said Greg McBride, chief financial analyst at Bankrate. "Make that monthly budget for 2025 and resolve to track your spending against it throughout the year." McBride said that you may need to make adjustments during the year as certain expenses increase, which would require cutting back in other areas. “Calibrate your spending with your income, and any month you spend less than budgeted, transfer the difference into your savings account, ideally a high-yield savings account,” he said. Pay down outstanding debt “Interest rates aren’t likely to come down very fast, so you’re still going to have to put in the hard work of paying down debt, especially high-cost credit card debt, and do so with urgency,” McBride said. Start by taking stock of how much debt you have now relative to the beginning of the year. Hopefully you’ve made steady progress on paying it down, but, if you’ve gone in the other direction, McBride encourages making a game plan. That includes looking into 0% balance transfer offers. Take control of your credit card interest rate “You have more power over credit card interest rates than you think you do," said Matt Schulz, chief credit analyst at LendingTree. “Wielding that power is one of the best moves you can make in 2025.” A 0% balance transfer credit card is “a good weapon” in the fight against high card APRs, or annual percentage rates, he said. A low-interest personal loan is an option as well. You may simply be able to pick up the phone and ask for a lower interest rate. LendingTree found that a majority of people who did that in 2024 were successful, and the average reduction was more than 6 points. Set realistic, practical goals When planning for your financial resolutions, it’s important to consider how you’re going to make your goals sustainable for your lifestyle, said Credit Karma's Alev. “It really is a marathon, not a sprint,” Alev said. Alev recommends setting realistic, practical goals to make it easier to stick with them. For example, instead of planning to save thousands of dollars by the end of the year, start by saving $20 a paycheck. Even when your plans are achievable, there are times you'll get derailed. Maybe it’s an unexpected medical bill or an extraordinary life event. When these situations happen, Alev recommends trying not to feel defeated and working to get back on track without feeling guilty. Don't bury your head in the sand “You can't manage what you can't see, so set a New Year’s resolution to check your credit score monthly in 2025," said Rikard Bandebo, chief economist at VantageScore. “Be sure to pay more than the minimum on your credit accounts, as that's one of the best ways to boost your credit score.” Bandebo also advises student loan borrowers to make all payments on time, as servicers will begin to report late payments starting in January, and missed payments will affect borrowers' credit scores. Automate savings, where possible Automated changes, like increasing workplace 401(k) plan contributions, setting up direct deposits from paychecks into dedicated savings accounts, and arranging for monthly transfers into an IRA and/or 529 college savings accounts all add up quickly, McBride said. Slow down Your financial goals can encompass more than just managing your money better — they can also be about keeping your money safe from scams . A golden rule to protect yourself from scams is to “slow down,” said Johan Gerber, executive vice president of security solutions at Mastercard. “You have to slow down and talk to other people if you’re not sure (whether or not) it’s scam,” said Gerber, who recommends building an accountability system with family to keep yourself and your loved ones secure. Scammers use urgency to make people fall for their tricks, so taking your time to make any financial decision can keep you from losing money. Focus on financial wellness Your financial goals don’t always have to be rooted in a dollar amount — they can also be about well-being. Finances are deeply connected with our mental health, and, to take care of our money, we also need to take care of ourselves. “I think that now more than any other year, your financial wellness should be a resolution," said Alejandra Rojas, personal finance expert and founder of The Money Mindset Hub, a mentoring platform for women entrepreneurs. "Your mental health with money should be a resolution.” To focus on your financial wellness, you can set one or two goals focusing on your relationship with money. For example, you could find ways to address and resolve financial trauma, or you could set a goal to talk more openly with loved ones about money, Rojas said. —— The Associated Press receives support from Charles Schwab Foundation for educational and explanatory reporting to improve financial literacy. The independent foundation is separate from Charles Schwab and Co. Inc. The AP is solely responsible for its journalism. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press . All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.