When Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, then Vice-President handed over copies of cheques to President Jomo Kenyatta at State Hoiuse Nairobi in 1965. [File, Standard] The strong bond of friendship between Kenya’s founding President, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, and independence Vice-President Jaramogi Oginga Odinga instilled a sense of confidence and hope among the citizens of the newly formed state. As has been recorded in the country’s political history, Odinga turned down a clever request by colonial power brokers to form a government and ascend to power as Prime Minister as Mzee Kenyatta languished in prison. In a move that shocked the British government, Odinga outrightly rejected the offer declaring that there would be no independence without Kenyatta who he described as the undisputed leader of the African people. Later responding to a question by a British journalist in early 1960 months before Kenyatta was released from prison, on why he refused that offer, Odinga said; “How can we be better than our father? Mzee Kenyatta is our teacher and we all stand solidly behind him. There is no independence without Mzee Kenyatta.” Odinga had in 1952 mobilised resources to hire lawyer Dennis Pritt, then a Queen’s Counsel, and a team of other lawyers to defend Kenyatta following his arrest and others by the British government on October 20. The charges were supporting the Mau Mau movement. Daytime meeting Odinga’s loyalty did not waver while Kenyatta served a sentence in Lokitaung and later Maralal. During the formation of Kanu on May 18, 1960, at a daytime meeting at the current Kirigiti stadium in Kiambu, the leaders elected were Kenya African Union’s (KAU) James Gichuri and Kenya Independence Movement’s Tom Mboya who had collapsed his party into Gichuru’s KAU to make Kanu, becoming secretary-general. Gichuru became chairman and Odinga vice-chairman. However, both Gichuru and Odinga considered Kenyatta the leader and Gichuru would give way after Kenyatta was finally set free from Maralal later that year. Upon changing the 1963 Constitution turning Kenya into a republic and Kenyatta becoming President in 1964, Odinga became the natural choice for the position of Vice-President. However as has happened with the Ruto-Gachagua ‘prayerful’ political union, the political bliss of the two founding fathers — Kenyatta and Jaramogi – lasted for only two years. The two political soul mates parted ways and ushered the country into a season of heightened ethnic rivalry, tensions, and intense mistrust. Odinga who had built a solid support base in his Nyanza backyard and across other parts of the country resigned from office in 1966 citing frustration within the government which had made it difficult for him to serve the people. Stay informed. Subscribe to our newsletter A year before he resigned tensions had already built between the two leaders whose tipping point was the assassination of Odinga’s loyalist, Pio Gama Pinto, in 1965 which triggered continued disagreements. Political commentators and historians have said the fallout between the two leaders sowed the seed of Kenya’s politics of betrayal between presidents and their deputies which has been the hallmark of politics in Kenya over the years. Veteran politician and long-serving Molo MP Njenga Mungai told The Sunday Standard that the Kenyatta-Odinga conflict re-configured the country’s political landscape as each of the two leaders solicited the support of their ethnic communities to fight their political battles. Mungai said the conflict which was based on political differences and conflicting ideological inclinations undermined the country’s spirit of nationalism, social integration, and cohesion. The retired lawmaker, currently serving as the chairperson of the Jubilee Party’s Council of Elders said; “The intrigues of the complex Cold War being perpetrated by influential forces from outside Kenya impacted negatively the relationship between Kenyatta and Odinga leading to their fallout. “The political challenges facing the country today owe their genesis to the seeds of disunity and ethnic rivalry that were sowed amongst members of the big ethnic communities over the struggle for political power and influence shortly after the country attained independence,” Mungai told The Sunday Standard during a recent interview at his Molo home. Former Subukia MP Koigi wa Wamwere, a key figure in the second liberation, attributed the fallout between the two leaders to what he described as; “the concentration of State power in the hands of a cabal of ethnic chauvinists.” Wamwere, once a celebrated political prisoner forced to flee and find refugee in Norway, said although there were invisible external forces that created a wedge between Kenyatta and Odinga the competition for control of State power and acquisition of material possession amongst the ruling elite caused fissures in the newly formed government. The former fiery politician and assistant minister, who was first hurled into detention without trial by Kenyatta said the fallout between the two leaders was a result of “political power having fallen in the hands of individuals who did not believe in the values of the liberation struggle and who were interested in serving their selfish ends.” “Bildad Kaggia, one of the freedom fighters who was jailed together with Mzee Kenyatta but later aligned himself with Odinga would always say the struggle for independence was a struggle for land and freedom, and without the two, it would mean that the struggle had been betrayed,” Wamwere recalled. During the struggle for independence, Kenyatta and Odinga championed the cause of a unitary state of Kenya as their counterparts in Kadu agitated for a federal system of government that would create independent regions fairly free from the centre in Nairobi. Kadu drew the bulk of its support from the minority ethnic communities which in the late 50s and early 60s were the Coastal communities, Luhya, Kalenjin, Maasai, while the Kenyatta-Odinga-led Kanu political party had the support of the Kikuyu and Luo which were Kenya’s largest communities at the time. The leaders of the Kadu party were elected members from the smaller communities; Ronald Ngala (party leader) from the Coast, Masinde Muliro (secretary-general) Luhya, Daniel Arap Moi (deputy party leader), Kalenjin. The fallout between the two leaders sparked off a wave of enmity that pitted Kenyatta’s populous Kikuyu community against Odinga’s Luo. The two communities had worked together to champion the cause of freedom with Central Kenya and Nyanza regions forming the independence party, Kanu, political bastion at the height of the freedom struggle. Political pundits and historians contend that Kenyatta and Odinga were trapped in a complex web of interests driven by both local and external forces. Analysts add that the different political backgrounds and personalities who formed the independent government shaped their perception of the exercise of power and acquisition of personal wealth hence triggering conflicts amongst themselves. At the local political scene, Kenyatta is said to have fallen hostage to a cabal of Kikuyu elites who wielded power and influence in the newly established State where they used their position to acquire power and wealth. Odinga on his part advocated for the redistribution of wealth including land previously owned by the departing white settlers, hence stepping on the toes of the influential Kikuyu political elite. On the external front, Kenyatta and Odinga had different ideological orientations that were defined by the Cold War era and the after-effects of World War II. Duncan Sanys (left), Jomo Kenyatta and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. [File, Standard] Following the defeat of Adolf Hitler’s fascism, the two emerging powers that had been allies and victors of the 1939-45 war, began competing on a myriad of things including ideological ones. The US and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) engaged in a battle of wits through indirect conflict where smaller nations and freshly independent States such as Kenya found themselves right at the centre of the war. Capitalist system The US and its allies including the British government advocated for a capitalist system of government on Kenya against communism which was espoused by the Soviet Union and China. Kenyatta enjoyed the backing of the British and the US governments in their efforts to bolster their support in the region against the Soviet Union. READ: Exposed: Power struggles that set Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Jomo Kenyatta on warpath Odinga had been calling for closer ties with China and the Soviet Union where he had political networks. He was, however, not a communist at heart and never supported the communistic ideology. He was by all accounts a capitalist - owning huge tracts of land, had investments in transport, agriculture, retail. The tag of communism was therefore a label that hit its target at a politically bad time. The tag came from his pronouncements where he pushed for no full alignment with the East or West but borrow what works from either. “For me capitalism and communism is like food, you can today eat nyoyo and tomorrow you eat ugali.’’ The Western press working in Nairobi would report such statements with a tweak “Communism is like food, Odinga says”. In his autobiography, Not Yet Uhuru, published in 1967, Odinga states that the use of public offices for the accumulation of personal wealth and oppression of the opposition by the government meant the country was yet to attain real freedom. African leaders Historians argue that the US was wary of a crop of African leaders who had ushered their countries to freedom and were agitating for closer working relationships amongst the newly independent states. READ: How a powerful group frustrated Oginga Odinga's efforts to meet Jomo Kenyatta President Kwame Nkurumah (Ghana), Leopold Senghor (Senegal), Julius Nyerere (Tanzania), Patrice Lumumba (Congo) and Kenyatta (Kenya) whose countries had attained independence from colonialists in the late 50s and early 60s were calling for the emancipation of other African countries from the yoke of colonialism. The Soviet Union had rendered support to some of the countries in the liberation struggle and even supported liberation movements hence the need for the US and the Western block to woe independent African states to their side. “Though the two leaders were great friends at both political and personal levels they fell prey to intense manipulations and intrigues orchestrated by the US and British forces which sought to prevent the Soviet Union from establishing a sphere of influence in the region,” Wamwere added. Confidential documents from the US’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and those from the British government depicted Odinga as a power-hungry leader who was plotting to topple the Kenyatta administration. The two governments shared their intelligence briefs with the Kenyatta administration which enhanced its plot to isolate Odinga from the government. The love-hate relationship between the Kikuyu and the Luo communities came to define the trajectory of the country’s politics over the years. Candidates from the two communities have on numerous occasions found themselves key protagonists during presidential elections since the country reverted to multi-party politics. Occasional marriages of convenience between the two communities have also influenced the outcome of major political events in the country including the agitation for the second liberation and enactment of the new Constitution. ALSO READ: Jomo and Jaramogi: A tale of Kenya’s enduring political dynasties The Kenyatta administration used Tom Mboya to undermine and reduce the influence of Odinga in the Luo community —where he belonged. Mboya, who harboured presidential ambitions, was shot by an assassin in Nairobi in an incident linked to Kenyatta succession politics in 1969. The assassination of Mboya jostled the country’s political scene and provided an ethnic shift to Kenyatta-Odinga differences. Mboya’s assassination had been preceded by that of Pio Gama Pinto, a former freedom fighter of Goan descent who was perceived to have been the brain behind Odinga’s communist ideology and his lead political strategist. The killing of Pinto was interpreted as an attempt to politically weaken Odinga who was kicked out of the ruling party Kanu forcing his to seek a refugee in the Kenya People’s Union (KPU) which he founded to further his political cause. In 1969, barely months after the murder of Mboya, Kenyatta made a trip to Kisumu to open the New Nyanza General Hospital which had been constructed with the support of Russia through Odinga led to fracas that forced presidential guards to open fire on the crowd killing tens of people. The violence broke out when agitated supporters of Odinga’s KPU party clashed with Kanu youth wingers. As the showdown continued the mob threw stones at the presidential dias where Kenyatta was speaking from prompting action by security forces. The incident coupled with the killing of Mboya created bad blood between the Kikuyu and the Luo with the Luos solidly backing Odinga. The radical wing within Kanu had also coalesced around Odinga whose support threatened those in power. Odinga’s supporters, most of whom had decamped from Kanu and were subjected to an election on a KPU ticket were arrested and hurled into detention as he was placed under house arrest to weaken him politically. Personal ambition Former Mukurweini MP Kabando wa Kabando, told The Sunday Standard that the fallout between Kenyatta and Odinga “epitomises how political intrigues, personal ambition and clash of ideology between the president and his assistant have defined the practice of politics in the country right from independence time hence undermining the sense of nationhood and national stability.” Kabando observes that at the time of independence candidates from different ethnic backgrounds would contest political seats in constituencies where there were few members of their communities. “For instance, Mboya would be elected in Nairobi in a constituency where the Kikuyu community formed the bulk of voters while Achieng Oneko was elected in Nakuru. John Keen, who had a Maasai background stood for a political seat in Kitale. The voters elected candidates based on the political agenda championed by a political party rather than based on ethnicity,” Kabando said. He added that the fallout between the two leaders had a profound impact on the country’s political landscape as ethnicity and support for a leader became the basis of political and mobilisation.777pub bet login 。

Digital Transformation Market: Insights into Global Corporate Leaders, Key Business Strategies, Market Opportunities, Regional Developments, and Long-Term Size Forecast Until 2031

Welcome to the Week 12 NFL fantasy and betting cheat sheet, a one-stop shop for The Athletic ’s game previews, injury and weather updates, and expert analysis. Bookmark this page and check back often, as we offer regular updates to assist with fantasy lineups and betting decisions. Player rankings (PPR) referenced in this article are current as of Nov. 24. For updated rankings, see the “Fantasy football player rankings” section. Advertisement The latest NFL news and headlines Last updated: 6:50 p.m. ET, Nov. 25 Injury news | Week 12 takeaways Featured games Week 12 recap | Fantasy football player rankings Injury news Updated through 6:50 p.m. ET, Nov. 25 Ladd McConkey , WR, Chargers (shoulder) — Active McConkey was limited at practice on Friday but is active for Monday Night Football. In Weeks 10 and 11 combined, Will Dissly led the Chargers with 12 targets; McConkey had 11, Quentin Johnston saw 10, and Joshua Palmer was targeted six times. Jake Ciely has McConkey as WR18 this week and Johnston as WR23 . Rashod Bateman , WR, Ravens (knee) — Active Bateman didn’t practice Friday due to a knee injury but is active for Week 12. While many thought Diontae Johnson ’s arrival in Baltimore could affect Bateman’s targets, it hasn’t. Since being traded to the Ravens in Week 9, Johnson has had only four total targets and one reception, and his highest PPR total in Baltimore is 1.6. In that time, Bateman has had 11 receptions on 17 targets. In Week 10, he scored 17.4 PPR points, but in each of Weeks 9 and 11, he scored only 5 PPR points. Jake Ciely’s Week 12 fantasy football player rankings Find out Jake’s top QB, RB, WR and TE for the week! Get Ciely’s full Week 12 analysis. Plus sleepers and projections . Featured games Game-specific previews and live updates are available on the day of the game. Baltimore Ravens (7-4) vs. Los Angeles Chargers (7-3) Coming off a tough Week 11 loss to the Steelers , the Ravens are favored by less than a field goal on the road against the Chargers in this AFC matchup that has head coaches Jim and John Harbaugh meeting for the first time since Super Bowl XLVII. The Jim Harbaugh-led Chargers have been rolling lately. Justin Herbert is throwing more and ranks sixth in passer rating (102.1), J.K. Dobbins and Gus Edwards are handling backfield work, and Ladd McConkey and Quentin Johnston lead the Chargers’ wide receivers in targets, receiving yards and yards after the catch. Advertisement Lamar Jackson has had an MVP season for Baltimore (excluding last week’s poor performance), but Derrick Henry has taken a step back lately with under 80 net yards in three of his last four games. Zay Flowers continues to impress (though somewhat inconsistently), while Diontae Johnson has become a fantasy drop, averaging two targets and 0.5 receptions per game. The Chargers defense is tough, and Tuli Tuipulotu has led the NFL over the past three weeks with six sacks, but Jackson has the third-most time to throw in the league. This Harbaugh brothers matchup is full of talent and intrigue. Read the full preview . Statistics in this section come from TruMedia. Fantasy football Week 12 takeaways Michael Salfino recaps Week 12’s action through a fantasy lens. Jayden Daniels had a good game again, accounting for three TDs, fueled mostly by one late miracle play. But I don’t understand why he’s such a heavy favorite for Offensive Rookie of the Year over Bo Nix . Nix has the same record as Daniels and has 16 TD passes and just two picks in his past nine games, plus two games with at least 61 rushing yards. Jaylen Waddle punished us for benching him, though the byes hopefully forced your hand. But now we have a Tyreek Hill problem. His 17-game pace in 2024: 76-882-5. Yikes. De’Von Achane is averaging 4.3 yards per carry, which his believers would have found unfathomable in August. However, the catches and five receiving TDs have made him worthy of his ADP anyway. I will be fading this receiving production in 2025, you can be certain. — Salfino Read all of Salfino’s Week 12 takeaways Fantasy football Week 12 recap KC Joyner answers lingering Week 12 fantasy football questions. Barkley racked up an incredible 46.2 points against the Rams on Sunday night. It marked only the ninth time since the 2020 season that a running back has posted 46 or more points in a game. He now leads the league in games with 32-plus points, which he’s had in two straight weeks. He and Derrick Henry are the only running backs to put up back-to-back performances of over 30 PPR points this season. Advertisement This incredible scoring largesse leads one to ask if Barkley can break LaDainian Tomlinson’s all-time record for RB fantasy points in a season. Tomlinson tallied 481.1 with the San Diego Chargers in a 16-game season in 2006. Barkley currently has 265.9 points, which means he needs to score at least 215.3 points in the Eagles’ remaining six games to break Tomlinson’s record. Some quick math shows that is a 35.9-point per-game pace, a figure Barkley has only surpassed once this year (Sunday night against the Rams). Evidence would suggest Barkley cannot break this record, but the Eagles have four green-rated rush defenses left in those six games. If Barkley can rack up a couple of 40-plus point games (a difficult but not impossible proposition), he still has a puncher’s chance at overtaking LT for the best RB season in fantasy football history. — Joyner See all of Joyner’s Week 12 notes . (Photo of Ladd McConkey: Ronald Martinez / Getty Images)Oman and Angola to enhance partnership in economic, commercial, and investment fields

Share to Facebook Share to Twitter Share to Linkedin Gratitude fatigue refers to the emotional exhaustion from the pressure to feel grateful, even in difficult situations. Gratitude is a powerful force multiplier. In my previous post , I talked about how cultivating an attitude of gratitude can increase our mental, physical, and emotional well-being. But sometimes, gratitude can feel hard to come by, especially when you’re dealing with grief, health issues, financial stress, or friction in relationships. If you’re finding it difficult to tap into your reserves of gratefulness despite the merriment and holiday cheer, you may be experiencing gratitude fatigue. What Is Gratitude Fatigue? Gratitude fatigue is a form of emotional exhaustion that comes from internal or external pressure to feel grateful even when doing so feels forced or inauthentic. People might tell themselves, “I shouldn’t feel this way. I should be grateful because others have it worse,” or believe that allowing themselves to experience difficult emotions like anger, sadness or frustration makes them ungrateful. “This mindset dismisses valid emotions that need to be felt and processed,” says Dr. Breese Annable , a North Carolina-based clinical psychologist. Constantly forcing yourself to feel thankful can overwhelm your brain , in particular the limbic system and prefrontal cortex that are responsible for emotional processing and decision-making, explains Dr. Mary Poffenroth, biopsychologist and author of Brave New You . It can also lead to emotional dissonance—a state where your feelings and expressions are at odds. “This internal conflict can result in increased cortisol levels and heightened anxiety, as the person struggles to reconcile their true feelings with imposed gratitude,” says Najamah Davis , a licensed clinical social worker based in New Jersey. What Does Gratitude Fatigue Look Like According to psychologist Caitlin Slavens , common signs of gratitude burnout or gratitude fatigue include: Emotional numbness: Gratitude no longer feels genuine—you express it because you “should,” not because you mean it. Mental exhaustion: Showing gratitude feels like another box to check, not a source of joy or connection. Emotional avoidance: When tough feelings come up, you tend to ignore them by listing what you’re grateful for instead of addressing them. Resentment: You start resenting things you're “supposed” to be grateful for, as well as those who remind you to “just be thankful.” Guilt and shame: You feel pangs of guilt or shame for not feeling thankful enough when real, painful emotions come up. How To Overcome Gratitude Fatigue The first step is to recognize that gratitude and difficult emotions can coexist. “You can be grateful while still making room for challenging feelings and experiences,” says Dr. Gabrielle Schreyer-Hoffman , a licensed psychologist specializing in anxiety and eating disorders. Here are a few more expert-backed strategies for fostering authentic gratitude while honoring your emotional needs: Allow space for both the positive and negative: When we ignore negative emotions, they don’t just disappear. “They often amplify to demand our attention, resurface unexpectedly, or leave us feeling shut down and disconnected,” says Dr. Annable. By permitting ourselves to feel the full spectrum of emotional experiences , we allow for more balanced activation of both sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous systems, says Dr. Poffenroth. This helps prevent the overactivation of stress responses while harnessing the benefits of gratitude, she adds. Zoom in to the specifics: Illinois-based therapist Katrina Gelazius suggests focusing on small, specific things that genuinely bring you joy instead of being vague or generic. For example, "I’m thankful for the cozy blanket that kept me warm today" can feel more authentic and manageable than “I’m thankful for everything.” Find what works best for you: Gratitude looks different for everyone. For some, it could be reciting affirmations or journaling. For others, it could be hugging a loved one or savoring a moment of quiet reflection. “Choose a method that feels authentic and meaningful,” says Dr. Schreyer-Hoffman. Balance gratitude with self-compassion: Be kind to yourself when you’re struggling instead of forcing toxic positivity. “It's okay to recognize what's hard and still appreciate small comforts,” says Gelazius. For example: "This week has been tough, but I’m grateful for the support of my family." Take a break: By giving yourself permission to take a break from gratitude when things feel overwhelming, you create space to connect with it more authentically later, says Dr. Annable. Don’t be afraid to seek support: Gratitude doesn’t mean pretending everything’s fine. Instead of using it to minimize your struggles, consider sharing what you’re going through with someone who would listen without judgment, suggests Slavens. Lastly, remember, gratitude isn’t about ignoring the hard stuff. It’s about appreciating what we have, while holding space for what hurts. Editorial Standards Forbes Accolades Join The Conversation One Community. Many Voices. Create a free account to share your thoughts. Forbes Community Guidelines Our community is about connecting people through open and thoughtful conversations. We want our readers to share their views and exchange ideas and facts in a safe space. In order to do so, please follow the posting rules in our site's Terms of Service. We've summarized some of those key rules below. Simply put, keep it civil. Your post will be rejected if we notice that it seems to contain: False or intentionally out-of-context or misleading information Spam Insults, profanity, incoherent, obscene or inflammatory language or threats of any kind Attacks on the identity of other commenters or the article's author Content that otherwise violates our site's terms. User accounts will be blocked if we notice or believe that users are engaged in: Continuous attempts to re-post comments that have been previously moderated/rejected Racist, sexist, homophobic or other discriminatory comments Attempts or tactics that put the site security at risk Actions that otherwise violate our site's terms. So, how can you be a power user? Stay on topic and share your insights Feel free to be clear and thoughtful to get your point across ‘Like’ or ‘Dislike’ to show your point of view. Protect your community. Use the report tool to alert us when someone breaks the rules. Thanks for reading our community guidelines. Please read the full list of posting rules found in our site's Terms of Service.

Southern Miss secures 68-66 victory against Marshall

E-Paper Display Market Report 2024: Detailed Study on Global Market Trends, Industry Challenges, Growth Forecast, Size Analysis, and Key Opportunities Through 2031Samsung's 32:9 Super Ultrawide Monitors Get Massive Discounts on Black Friday

Darnold gives Vikings another gem with career-high 377 yards in 27-25 win over Packers